MOSQUE AND REPRODUCTION OF ARAB IDENTITY IN THE HADRAMI COMMUNITY IN BETAWI

This research aims to analyze historical evidence of the usage of mosques by Arabs in old Jakarta to dominate society. This was shown through that they held a religious position in the mosques. Arabs have a strong influence on the diversity of society but they also try to influence and control the community. The main source used in this study is historical data. The data is interpreted by means of content analysis and using descriptive analytical method with qualitative approach. The conclusion of this research is that mosques are used by Arabs to reproduce Arabic identities.


Introduction
Mosque is the center of life that can accommodate all forms of social needs and activities. A mosque can be an identity of a community where it was built. (Febriani 2004)  The establishment of mosques in 1651 was banned by the Dutch colonial government. (Heuken 2003) This rule was ignored by Habib Abdurrahman bin 'Alwi Asy-Syatiri. Meanwhile, Governor General Maetzuyker (1653-1678 said that the establishment of mosques was permitted due to Muslims worship the same God: Allah. (asy-Syatiri 2008 ;Fadli 2011;Heiss and Slama 2010;Heuken 2003) Habib Husain bin Abu Bakar Alaidrus came to Betawi in 1746 to spread Islamic lesson. (Fadli 2011;Murti 2016) He was given a plot of land in Luar Batang village, near Sunda Kelapa by the Dutch General and finally a mosque was built on the land in 1736. (Fadli 2011;Jonge 1997) At the mosque, he spread Islam until he died. (Murti 2016) Therefore, both Habib Abdurrahman bin 'Alwi Asy-Syatiri and Habib Husain bin Abu Bakar Alaidrus opened the steps to create an identity. (Berland, Steingut, and Ko 2014;Mukani 2017) Habib Husain bin Abu Bakar Alaidrus and Habib Abdurrahman bin 'Alwi Asy-Syatiri according to Ami, affect the condition of individuals from society. (Albernaz 2011) In fact, according to Ward in his research that the event has modified and adjusted Islamic knowledge. This practice continues because it is seen as a part that does not violate anything in fiqh. On the contrary, it finds the right place and continues to be practiced. (van Oudenhoven and Ward 2013) It shows that religious manifestations appear in various forms and expressions which are considered to be in accordance with the needs of the community. (Fitri 2012) Since the two mosques were built, many people came to study Islamic lesson from them. This made VOC authorities worry about their own security. According to Musa Kazhim, Abdurrahman bin 'Alwi Asy-Syatiri was cleric who settled in Betawi in 1737 and was invited by Sunan Pakubuwono II to Surakarta. It turned out that his presence was not liked by the VOC. The tomb of Habib Abdurrahman bin 'Alwi Asy-Syatiri can be seen in Saripan Surakarta (Solo Hajj tomb) until now with a Javanese title named Kanjeng Tumenggung. (van den Berg 1989:130;Kazhim 2013:17) Habib Husain bin Abu Bakar Alaidrus and his students were imprisoned in Glodok (Murti, 2016). He was imprisoned in a prison that was smaller and narrower than his student. But, the wardens were often astonished when they saw Habib Husain bin Abu Bakar Alaidrus leading a prayer with his followers. (Fadli 2011;Murti 2016) Habib Abdurrahman bin 'Alwi Asy-Syatiri and Habib Husain bin Abu Bakar Alaidrus, according to Ami, affect the condition of individuals from society. (Albernaz 2011) In fact, according to Ward in his research that the event has modified and adjusted Islamic knowledge. This practice continues because it is seen as a part that does not violate anything in fiqh. On the contrary, it finds the right place and continues to be practiced. (van Oudenhoven and Ward 2013) It shows that religious manifestations appear in various forms and expressions which are considered to be in accordance with the needs of the community. (Fitri 2012)

Method
This research discusses mosques and reproduction of Arab identity in Hadrami community in Betawi. This aims to analyze the notion that mosques for Arabs are used to dominate society. This was proven that they accepted the offer and held a religious position in the mosque. To explain this purpose, the writer divides it into four parts; the first part of this study presents a description of the origin of the This research uses a historical approach to discuss various events by focusing on elements of place, time, object, background and figures of events. (Nata 2000:46) Through this historical approach, it can be known the origin of certain thoughts or opinions and attitudes of a figure, sect or community and the religious stereotype of a group and the attitude of a group to another. In addition, through this historical approach it can also be traced to the origin of a situation where an idea emerges from a figure, and it can be seen that an act and thought of a figure is actually forced by the desires and pressures that arise from himself.
This research uses hermeneutic phenomenology method in interpreting and analyzing data. (Lubis, 2004: 100-146) (Fromme, 2011: 263) are interpretations or hermeneutics. (Heidegger, 1962: 61-62) Hermeneutic phenomenology in this study is used to understand a person's social thinking by giving interpretations of meaning contained in it. (Marriam, 2009: 205) Interpretation is conducted to find a new understanding that mosques are used by Arabs to reproduce Arabic identities, as formulated by Gadamer, (Lubis, 2004: 130) about existing values, for example values that underlinee one's views about individuals, community, social interaction, social problems and others.

A. The Origin of the Hadrami Community in Betawi
The origin of the Hadrami community in Betawi came from two major races; the first is the race 'Aribah, namely the Southern Arab race, the original Hadramaut of the descendants of Ya'rub bin Qathan bin Hud, which was filled with middle class families and slaves and almost all Hadramaut residents. In the belief of the Arab descendants, the 'Aribah was the name of the Hadramaut (descendants of Ya'rub bin Qathan), who was a well-known figure of legend and became the name of the region; and the second is the Muta'aribah race, namely the North Arab race which came from the descendants of Isma'il who is the ancestor the Prophet Muhammad. Muta'aribah race has a habaib group as the highest community group in the Hadramaut.
(van den Berg 1989:33) The two major races were very decisive in the social group in Hadramaut and the Wulaiti 'Alawiyyin group used them in Betawi in the late 18 th and early 19 th centuries. The division of social groups in Hadramaut or Hadrami tradition was to divide the community with four important groups; first, the sayyid group was the highest because it came from the Muta'aribah race; second, the ethnic group of the non-ʻAlawiyyin group who entered the race 'Aribah; third, the middle class from the non-ʻAlawiyyin group who entered the race 'Aribah; fourth, the lowest group consisted of slaves. (van den Berg 1989:47) The 'Alawiyyin community from the Hadrami in Betawi was the first migrant to form the Arab community in the 18 th century. Therefore, they then lead the Arabs both from the 'Alawiyyin The beginning of the 19 th century, Pekojan village was known as an Arab village dominated by Hadrami community. So that at that time it could be said that the name Pekojan was no longer synonymous with the Moors, but more identical to the Hadrami Arabs so that it became known as the "Arab village". (Putra 2013) The identity of Arab individuals in Betawi was known as a religious expert. (Alatas 2010;Aziz 2002:39) The profession provided space for individuals in the Hadrami community to interact in Betawi.
There were many Hadrami from 'Alawiyyin who taught Islamic knowledge in Betawi. As a result of this dominative role, the 'Alawiyyins became an important religious symbol in Betawi.
Therefore, the 'Alawiyyin community then united to maintain its religious social identity in Betawi. (Aziz 2002:39) This effort was seen when several 'Alawiyyin leaders then built mosques in Betawi as a dominant center of their religious roles. The 'Alawiyyin community had the highest rights in religious teaching according to tradition and religion that applied in Hadramaut, but in reality there were also non-Hadrami community members who taught religion in Betawi. The difference was that 'Alawiyyin people from the Hadrami group if they became religious teachers rarely do trade. This was clearly different from the religious teachers from the non-Hadrami community who became big traders or shipping entrepreneurs.
The teachers of Islamic knowledge from the hadhrami community in the early 19 th century in Betawi included a big trader from Egypt named Syaikh Abdurrahman bin Ahmad al-Masri. He came to trade in Palembang, but later moved to Betawi. In Betawi, he later succeeded in buying vast land in Petamburan to establish a mosque and his house in 1800. He was also known as an astronomer, he died in 1847 and was buried behind his mosque in Petamburan.  (Nottingham 1981:32-45) The basic principle formed from the above elements succeeded in making the social identity of the 'Alawiyyin community the highest and exclusive in the community. (Algadri 1984:5) Therefore, the conservative and exclusive socio-religious values are then integrated with the community order and system in Betawi.

B. Politicization of Religion by the Hadrami Community in Betawi
This section uses the term "politicization of religion" which shows the existence of a religious relationship that mixes the values of religious teachings -interpretations of Qurān, Ḥadīth, even the edicts of ulama -with political issues. (Effendy 2005:12) Even according to Jürgen Habermas, religion increasingly shows its influence in the political space. Religious issues can determine political attitudes in the presidential election and elected regional elections, ratification of laws, Therefore, this prayer on the one hand brought 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā to get an award from the Netherlands, but on the other hand, it caused him to lose prestige among the Hadrami. (Kaptein 1998) There were several reasons expressed by 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā in reciting prayers to Queen Wilhelmina, first, the government provided protection for Muslims under the rule of the Dutch kingdom.
Second, that the government provided freedom for the community to carry out religious activities. Third, the government paid salaries to religious leaders. Fourth, the government gave freedom (vrij) to mosque employees and religious teachers for their obligations to the government. Fifth, the government helped to establish a mosque. Sixth, the government helped the landraad in determining the fasting month. (Kaptein 2007;Yaḥyā 1913:14-15) But the Betawi people saw a special closeness between 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā and the Dutch East Indies government. Therefore, not many Betawi people learned Islamic knowledge to him even though he was recognized by his knowledge. For the Betawi people at that time, an ulama who worked for the government, even though he was a leader, was not regarded as honorable despite his extensive knowledge (Fadli 2011:86-90). 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā's closeness with the Dutch East Indies government was considered a spy or someone who sold Islam for his own purposes. (Azra 1995;Steenbrink 1984:136) But this accusation was rejected by Steenbrink who thought that people like 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā were ulama who saw Islam in Indonesia as Islam whose teachings were not appropriate. (Steenbrink 1984:136) Steenbrink's argument was based on the fact that almost all the works of 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā always criticized the lives of Muslims at that time which were not in accordance with the Shari'a.
Moreover 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā was also considered as a person who cooperated with the Dutch government. He reportedly received a sum of money every month for his participation in providing information on the development of Islam in the Dutch East Indies. In fact, he also received a sum of money as a contribution to cover printing costs in his publishing business which was deemed suitable to maintain the political status quo. (Azra 1995;Steenbrink 1984:136) The position as a reference in religious fatwa causing 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā to consciously called himself the Betawi mufti. (Yaḥyā 1898:6) That view did not arise from himself alone, but also arises from the indigenous (Betawi), Arab and government in Betawi.
Therefore, he was often asked for information regarding religious social issues related to Arab affairs and Islam by the colonial government. The title "mufti" carried by 'Uthmān bin

C. Religious Contestation in the Hadrami Community in Betawi
Betawi has its own uniqueness including its similarity to the Islamic tradition in its home country, namely making mosques as a starting place in educating the people. (Makdisi 1990:50-52) For the Betawi community, mosques have more functions, not only a place to worship five times a day, but also a place to study. The situation was demonstrated by the Bataviaasch Niuwsblad newspaper published on August 27, 1898 which reported that mosques were used for various functions such as the social-religious information broadcasting center. (Anon 1898;Bin Yaḥyā 1894) In general, at the end of the 19 th century, the religious quality of Muslims in the archipelago declined dramatically. At that time there was very rarely an ulama who became a reference to religious matters. This situation is very worrying. (Yaḥyā 1895:15) Because of that, many people did not learn the knowledge of tauhid (monotheism) and fiqh. Take an example of that the Hadrami community could not distinguish between halal and haram cases. In addition, the Hadrami community did not seek to find a good teacher, (Yaḥyā n.d.) and only learned from teachers who were less fluent in the pronunciation of hijaiyyah letters. As a result many made mistakes in reciting their prayers, especially in very difficult Arabic recitations. (Yaḥyā n.d., n.d.) The incorrect reading of the prayers above, in the end made them abandoned their obligations. (Yaḥyā n.d.) Based on these conditions, the religious teachers used mosques to teach religion to the community, for example the Arabian headman Even though they were low in knowledge and did not understand religious matters, they were brave enough to give religious advice and fatwas at the mosque where they were teaching. Therefore, the teaching given by the teachers in the mosque must be adapted to the religious understanding of the Hadrami community, including Pan-Islamism and modernity.

a. Pan-Islamism
Pan-Islamism refers to a term that expresses a religious solidarity movement in various Muslim regions which is controlled by the Western colonialism. The movement was pioneered by several figures including Jamal al-Afghani, Muhammad Abdul Wahab, and Muhammad bin Sanusi in the 19 th century. (Godhechot 1998:118;Stoddard 1966:50-51, 61-62) The strength of the pan-Islamism movement grew stronger in the eyes of Muslims, when it received support from Sultan Abdul Hamid of the Ottoman Empire. (Anon 1919b;Federspiel 2001:11;Stoddard 1966:61-62, 65) The purpose of establishing the Pan-Islamism movement is to advance the unity of Muslims. Pan-Islamism leaders urge people to unite and condemn the disunity within the Muslim body (Kaptein 1998(Kaptein , 2014. The influence of the Pan-Islamism movement according to Snouck Hurgronje had begun to enter the Hadrami community in 1884 through print media (Hurgronje 1897(Hurgronje , 1904. The various newspapers Sultan of Turkey. From this propaganda, the consuls of the Turkish general got sympathy from the Arab community so that they sometimes acted higher than the Arabs. (Hurgronje 1904) Teachers at the mosque were required to reject pan-Islamism ideas. The main reason was because the fatwas of pan-Islamism figures showed various deviations. The fatwa was taken from the interpretations and theorems of religion at their own will which resulted in the emergence of slanders among the Hadrami community.
Among the religious advice and fatwa mentioned were like being allowed to tan meat that was killed by being strangled and beaten, justifying liquor other than wine (khamer) and allowing Hadrami community to wear European hats (borneta) and other European clothing. (Bin Yaḥyā n.d.:2, 4, 6) 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā stated that clothing with a type of suit, hat, cap was a European property; the robe was owned by an Arab; kebaya and stagen on the head (headband) were native clothing (Hurgronje 1904:5-7), although there were indigenous people dressed in robes or turban after returning from the pilgrimage. (Noupal 2008) He stated emphatically that if the Hadrami community exchanged their clothes, they would never even have glory. (Yaḥyā 1911a(Yaḥyā , 1911b(Yaḥyā , 1911c According to him, the Hadrami community that did "changing their nation's clothes" would only cause shame and expel them from the fortunate and safe group of people. (Hurgronje 1904:2-4) The use of European and Turkish clothes by the Hadrami community also made various social problems in Betawi such as debate, slander and crime, although according to him many had been overcome. These problems were described by 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā as happened in 1904, where an Arab young man wearing Turkish clothes pretended to be a new master (bey) and beat a landlord in Menteng. getting clothes that were not in accordance with "nationality". Finally they and their parents were fined by the police due to their actions. (Hurgronje 1905) Taking into account these data, it is not strange if then 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā said that pan-Islamism is bid'ah and misleading; in fact, he considered it a major disaster for Muslims. (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014Yaḥyā 1911a:10) It is not strange that he did not remain silent in giving an explanation to the Hadrami community about bid'ah and heresy which undermined this Islamic law. Therefore he included the Ḥadīth of the Prophet who said that "If bid'ah has emerged while the knowledgeable person is silent, then for him the curse of Allah, angels and all humans". (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014Yaḥyā 1988:2) This is reinforced by Deliar Noer that people who wear European-style clothing were considered to imitate Europeans, namely Christians and were sometimes also considered to have been infidels. Even more wearing a tie, panty pants and European-style hats, it was very hated by the people who consider the use of ties, trousers and caps were prohibited. (Noer 1982:9) Besides that, pan-Islamism is part of Wahabi propaganda and Syi'ah Rafidah. (Yaḥyā 1912) Whereas the Hadrami community strongly refused Wahhabism and Syi'ah Rafidah, (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014Yaḥyā 1988:4) because it was very contrary to Hadrami religious values. (Yaḥyā 1900:15) Wahhabis were considered contrary to Hadrami religious values because they considered the infidels of those who carried out tawassul and istigāsah, infideling people who respected Wali and came to their graves, destroying the dome of the grave, infideling those who believed in the karomah of the saints and considered it shirk, forbid pilgrimage to the Prophet's grave and pilgrimage in general which they considered sinful, forbid reading the book Dalā`il al-Khairāt and ordering to be burned, prohibiting reading the book Rāudu al-Rāyyāhīn and naming it Ardu al-Syayâtîn. (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014Yaḥyā 1988:14) In addition, the Wahhabis also assumed that the Prophets and Wali (guardians) of Allah if they had died, they would not have a noble position again. The Wahabis even said that "my stick is more useful than the Prophet Muhammad". In addition they assumed that people who make pilgrimages to the guardian's grave were the same as those who worshiped idols. They also killed many ulama in Makkah and Madinah and killed people who did not want to come with them. In fact they were very clever confusing the arguments of the Qurān by bringing verses that dealt with infidels but were dropped on Muslims. (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014Yaḥyā 1911b:24) As for the movement of Syi'ah Rafidah, they were misled because they berated the companions of the Prophet Muhammad.

Whereas the Hadrami community believes in the virtues (afḏaliyyah)
and justice ('adālah) of the Companions of the Prophet. In addition, it is also obligatory to respect and love, and not to insult them. (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014Yaḥyā 1988:75) The person who berated the Prophet's companions is considered as a great sinner. (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2014 Therefore, the Hadrami community was obliged to study religion or other useful knowledge in life. If the 'Alawiyyin and the Arabs were ignorant for not learning, then they would fall into wrong association and cause various disobedience which ultimately would make it difficult for them to get a job in supporting their family. (Yaḥyā 1894(Yaḥyā , 1899a(Yaḥyā , 1899b Because by learning that, they would have knowledge that could improve their behavior for the safety of the danger of the world and the hereafter. (Hurgronje 1897:20;Yaḥyā 1894) Therefore, the children of the Hadrami were required to study the Qur'anic knowledge such as tajwid, tartil and memorization of the book Riyāḏ al-Ṣibyān Mandhūmah by Shaikh Ahmad Bahdhib. Apart from religion, they also needed to learn Arabic, arithmetic and writing (Yaḥyā 1909:6). In addition they also studied books such as Risālah Apart from religion, they also need to learn Arabic, arithmetic and writing. (Yaḥyā 1909:6) In addition they also studied books such as 1897. Even though he stated that the actual prayer he had compiled in 1896 for the Queen of the Netherlands was based on worldly and religion context (Kaptein 1998;Ryad 2009:4;Yaḥyā 1900:15).

Some Dutch-language newspapers such as Algemeen
Handelsblad also publish what was stated by 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā above. In the news it said that there were three Arabs who attacked 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā in a newspaper saying 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā was a high-level conservative and orthodox person. This opinion was raised because he opposed Arabs who used European clothing. (Anon 1913a) Along with the conflict between the elderly and the young in the Hadrami community, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā is the last stronghold of upholding traditional and religious values in the Hadrami community in the first 10 years of the 20th century. He said that after the entry of pan-Islamism, he saw a movement that opposed tradition and religion launched by a group within the Hadrami community. He saw that the movement was increasingly visible when support for young groups was getting stronger. When the conflict between the old and young groups grew, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā said that their step in inviting the religious teachers was their attempt to attack him. Those teachers often mocked his way of teaching and taught the Arabs in the mosque to hate the Prophet's ahlul bait and demonize others. (Yaḥyā 1906:23-24) 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā rejected pan-Islamism but he was accommodative to colonialism, because of the aim of pan-Islamism was to free Muslims from colonialism. Pan-Islamism leaders appealed to the authorities and all elements of the Hadrami community to unite so that Muslims could be free from colonialism. (Burhanudin 2014(Burhanudin , 2015 Besides supporting both non-Muslim rules in Muslim lands, and the Hadrami community, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā also tended to ignore political matters, they ignored Dutch oppression of indigenous Muslims as long as their interests were not in danger (Azra 1995;van den Berg 1989:114). Thus pan-Islamism turned out to be more preventing Muslims from practicing their religion. He also thanked the government for giving salaries to religious judges, assisting the leaders and teachers, giving holidays to the religious court in the fasting month and helping to establish mosques. Therefore, he advised the Hadrami community to thank the government by carrying out religious orders and not violating government regulations. (Yaḥyā 1913:7-9) However, after 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā died, the Dutch government began to interfere in religious affairs, One of which was the removal of the title of mufti. (Steenbrink 1984:138) The data shows that the main motivation of 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā rejected pan-Islamism was economy and access to power.
Fanani stated that this was due to 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā being part of the Muslims who realized that they were living under the control of a non-Muslim government. On the other hand, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā had an interest in maintaining order (the cosmos) which was then carried out by the Dutch. (Fanani 2011)

b. Modernity
The Hadrami community in Betawi in the beginning of the 20th century entered a modern social-religious life (Yaḥyā 1909:6). 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā described modernity as an age decoration or satanic deception, as seen in the formation of Arab children similar to Europeans. According to him the resemblance was seen in the elements of educational equipment such as the madrasa office, subjects, teaching tools and clothes worn by their teachers and students. (Yaḥyā 1909:10-11) According to Sunarto As, modernity is characterized by a very rapid process of change from a primitive society to a society of civilizations.  Modernism spread to the Hadrami community, both in the central and peripheral areas. This enthusiasm was widely accepted by those who saw how Islam was far behind the Western world. (Noupal 2008(Noupal , 2013 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā mentioned that the influence of modernism that developed in the mosque was allegedly had brought a lot of bid'ah which damaged religion. Some of the mistakes were that they dared to interpret the Qurān with ignorance without knowing the conditions needed in interpretation. They were more likely to use their own minds. People who did bid'ah also claimed to be able to give ijtihad or claimed to be an absolute ijtihad expert who could take law from the Qurān. Besides that they were good at narrating false Ḥadīth and canceling the true Ḥadīth. And greater than that, they were clever to confuse all problems with their tongues by saying arguments to fool the ignorant and dare to curse and denounce the ulamas. (Yaḥyā 1911a(Yaḥyā , 1911b(Yaḥyā , 1911c Hadrami community viewed that Islamic law could not be changed anymore. For them, the reinterpretation of the Qurān could not be done because it was considered to have violated the principles agreed upon by the previous ulama. To take a direct law from the Qurān, a person would not be able to do it because there were severe terms and conditions. (Noupal 2013) In fact, according to Joris in his research stating that aspects of modernity range from secular characteristics. (Van Eijnatten et al. 2013) Religious teachers in mosques must not interpret or took laws from the Qurān especially those that did not have the requirements of interpretation or ijtihad. He cited the authority of the well-known commentary ulama, al-Suṯṯī, in al-Itqān that "The interpretation was determined by the ulama commentary". (Yaḥyā,n.d .: 122) In addition to rejecting the reinterpretation of the Qurān, the Hadrami community also rejected calls for ijtihad which were the main thing for modernists. This appeal was motivated by the idea that Islam was not a static but dynamic religion. It was also because Islamic law (fiqh) was only the result of the ulama's thoughts on a problem whose case with modern times was not always the same. To provide legal decisions for the community in accordance with the circumstances, ijtihad was very necessary. (Noupal 2013) For the Hadrami community, ijtihad could violate the religious principles of the Hadrami they had embraced since a long time ago.
They believed that ijtihad could not be done unless the conditions fulfilled. They also believed that someone would no longer be able to master 15 branches of science that were absolutely necessary in the process of ijtihad. In other words, ijtihad could not be done again; the door to ijtihad has been closed. (Noupal 2014) Furthermore, according to the Hadrami community, "we must not be different from the previous ulama. We also must not do ijtihad without the agreed conditions, we may not even act with our own minds that are different from the ulama from ahlu sunnah". (Yaḥyā 1911a:6) Seeing the severity of the requirements needed in ijtihad, the Hadrami community considered that ulamas like Imām al-Suyuti alone did not dare to recognize themselves as mujtahid, either as absolute mujtahid or mujtahid nasb. In fact, the quality and excellence in the scientific field needed not be doubted. (Yaḥyā,n.d .: 14) The call for ijtihad was regarded as false and misguided. (Yaḥyā 1911a:7) The principles of ijtihad which were agreed upon by the ulamas since the old days that there were no absolute mujtahid ulama after the sect (mazhab) imam of passed away. There were also no more people who were capable of mastering the 15 branches of knowledge needed for jihad, even if he is a smart Arab. 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā doubted that all branches of knowledge could be mastered by someone who charged himself as a mujtahid. (Yaḥyā 1907a(Yaḥyā , 1907b The teaching given by the modernists in the Betawi mosque caused many Arab children to leave to study the books of the 'Alawiyyīn salaf. As a result many Arab children had several behaviors such as greed, indictment, ijtihad, lying and denouncing taklid. (Yaḥyā 1909:10-11) Therefore, the Hadrami community should continue to follow the steps of their ancestors in the previous Hadramaut so as not to become a group that loses and despairs to their future lives. (Yaḥyā 1909:12) Therefore, religious teachers at the mosque provided benefits for the behavior of the Hadrami community in Betawi. So that they could unite with the Hadrami community to work on something useful for the homeland and its next generation. (Yaḥyā 1907a:3) 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā also condemned the efforts of some Hadrami who followed the teachings of the modernists because the movement was considered to be against tradition and Hadrami religion (1896 n.d.;Yaḥyā 1911b). For him, the glory of the family in the Hadrami community during the period of modernity could be visible when the next generation would continue to imitate the behavior of their ancestors (jid) as proof of the sanctity of their ancestors. (Yaḥyā 1899a:28-30) On this basis, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā stated that it was very unethical if many of the children of the respected and rich families of the Hadrami community studied religion in mosques taught by modernists. According to him, it would be better for them to send children to the Wadi Anwar religious education institution which proved to have more good (barakah) and be a recommendation from the previous salaf ulama. (Yaḥyā 1909:4) Because of this statement, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā wanted the establishment of the madrasa to anticipate the dangers of educational modernity that threatened the Arab generations. (Anon 1889) With the establishment of the madrasa, he could teach his knowledge so that all the knowledge he had could be taught to them. (Yaḥyā 1904a(Yaḥyā , 1904b Whereas according to Zaprulkhan in his research that modernity itself refers more to a handful or group of intellectual elites who try to overcome the challenges of modernity trying to make progress or change. (Zaprulkhan 2014) Seeing that social reality, 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā reminded that recitation in the Pekojan mosque should be maintained, because it did not use foreigners' clothing, equipment, and teaching. In addition to the recitation in the Pekojan mosque, the teachings of the ancestral books of the 'Alawiyyin could be taught to Arab children in accordance with ancestral ideals in the Hadrami community tradition and religion. (Yaḥyā 1909(Yaḥyā :4, 1911c Based on the above data it can be said that the mosque is the center of life that can accommodate all forms of social needs and activities, mosques can be one of the identities of a community where the mosque was built. (Febriani 2004) This is reinforced by Syamsul Kurniawan who stated that the function of the mosque should not be limited to just a place of prayer, given the fact that the function of the mosque in its history is far more extensive, than just a place of worship. (Kurniawan 2014) This can be seen from the Hadrami community who built mosques in Betawi as the center of their religious identity, (Anon 1898) in the form of their rejection of pan-Islamism and also their resistance to modernity.

Discussion
The Pekojan mosque used by 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā to recite a prayer specifically for the Dutch Queen Wilhelmina on Friday 2 September 1898. In fact, he also shared copies of the prayer to be read on Friday prayers throughout Java and Madura. From here, it could be seen that the function of the mosque was not only as a place of worship, but also for the politicization of religion carried out by 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā in the Pekojan mosque. Namely by means of propaganda, indoctrination and disseminated campaigns were then socialized to the public area to manipulate religious understanding and belief.
The mosque is also the first place to educate people. But it was used by the Hadrami community to reproduce Hadrami religious identity. This was evidenced by the refusal of religious teachers to teach pan-Islamism and modernism in the Betawi mosque because it was contrary to the religious understanding of the Hadrami community. The main reason was because the fatwas of pan-Islamism figures taught a variety of heresies such as being allowed to tan meat killed by strangling and beating, justifying liquor other than wine (khamer) whose law is doubtful and allowing Hadrami communities to wear European clothing. Besides that, pan-Islamism was part of Wahabi propaganda and Syi'ah Rafidah which was very contrary to Hadrami religious values.
Besides that the Hadrami community also rejected the notion of modernity, such as the reinterpretation of the Qurān, the call to do ijtihad which was the main thing for the modernists, even threatening the Arab generation. Because the knowledge given by the modernists in the Betawi mosque would cause many Arab children to abandon learning the books of the 'Alawiyyin salaf which were feared against the traditions and religion of the Hadrami. That the glory of the family in the Hadrami community in the time of modernity could be seen when the next generation continues to imitate the behavior of their ancestors (jid). The evidence of the sanctity of their ancestors could be done by reading the books of the 'Alawiyyin salaf.

Conclusion
This research provides the conclusion that the mosque was used by the Hadrami community to reproduce Arab identity. This could be seen from the mosque which was the center of life of the community and was accommodated to fulfill all forms of needs and social activities, thus the mosque became the identity of the Hadrami community.
The article showed an essential function of a mosque to preserve and redefine the Hadrami social identity in encountering a rapid social challenge. It also found a significant position of a mosque in forming and consolidating the Hadrami's political interests as a response to contemporary dynamics such as dealing with the emergence of pan-Islamism and modern challenges. It was through mosque that Sayyid 'Uthmān bin Yaḥyā not only succeeded in mobilizing resistance against the idea of pan-Islamism and modernity but also strengthened their social status against the Dutch.